• 0 Posts
  • 49 Comments
Joined 29 days ago
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Cake day: February 3rd, 2026

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  • Nope, just makes it even more hilarious because you’re still here in the west when it sounds like you can naturally move back to the warm welcome of the CCP.

    I’m in China dipshit what part of Chinese made house did you not understand.

    I’m not the one who spouts bullshit propaganda all day long.

    Actually lmao one of the funniest things I’ve heard in a while.

    Yep, kinda sounds like your utopia abuses it’s people…

    It was so abusive when the government eradicated poverty, invested hugely in a world class public transport system, electrified and modernised rural villages.

    You don’t know shit and should shut the fuck up. Chauvinist ass crackkker. Can’t wait to piss on your empires grave when you return to being a serf to your pedo overlords. 🤣 👉



  • western tech

    Made in China

    You criticise society yet you participate in it curious

    Was your brain surgically removed as a child?

    Ruzzia

    Why did you pick Russia over China, Vietnam, Laos, DPRK? Russia isn’t socialist and there is critical support for them at best.

    Also preempting this I am Chinese, I live in a Chinese built house, typing on a Chinese phone, does that make my criticism of the genocidal imperialist Euro-Amerikan empire more valid?




  • I appreciate the clarification, but the framing still conflates two distinct phases of struggle. My original point wasn’t that anti-imperialism exists outside class analysis, but that in neo-colonial conditions, the form class struggle takes must be strategically sequenced. The slogan “eat the rich” implies an immediate, undifferentiated domestic class war, which in practice fractures the broad coalition needed to first break imperialist domination. When foreign capital, military bases, and debt traps dictate a nation’s political economy, the principal contradiction lies between the oppressed nation and international imperialism, not yet between the domestic proletariat and the national bourgeoisie who may also be constrained by that same imperialist structure.

    “In any complex process there are many contradictions, and of necessity one of them is the principal contradiction which plays the leading and decisive role, while the rest occupy a secondary and subordinate position.”

    This is why popular fronts with patriotic sections of the national bourgeoisie are a, but a materialist application of class politics. As Chairman Mao argued in On the Policy of the Chinese Communist Party in the Anti-Japanese United Front,

    “We must unite with all the classes, strata, political parties, groups and individuals that can possibly be united in the anti-imperialist struggle.”

    This is a tactical necessity to isolate the primary enemy. To elevate the domestic “rich” as the immediate target while imperialist powers actively undermine sovereignty is to misidentify the principal contradiction and risk strengthening the external oppressor.

    The enemy of our enemy is our friend, the national bourgeoisie, when objectively opposed to imperialist control, can be a conditional ally in the first stage of revolution.

    Only after national liberation is secured (when the external fetters are broken and the people control their own state apparatus) can the internal class struggle proceed to its decisive phase. At that point, the proletariat, having built its strength and consciousness through the anti-imperialist struggle, can confront domestic exploiting classes without the distortion of foreign interference. As Chairman Mao put it in On New Democracy,

    “The Chinese revolution must be divided into two steps: the first is to change the colonial, semi-colonial and semi-feudal society into an independent, democratic society; the second is to carry the revolution forward to establish a socialist society.”



  • We’ve arranged ourselves to be in compliance with the content of one, doddering racist’s fever dream of America.

    This war is possibly the most American thing he has ever done. He’s simply following the long tradition of American imperialism in the Middle East: from the CIA-backed coup that overthrew Iran’s democratically elected Mossadeq in 1953 to protect oil interests, to arming the Mujahideen against the Soviets, funding the very networks that would fracture into the Taliban and al-Qaeda; from Bush Sr.'s 1991 Gulf War that entrenched permanent bases in the region, to Bush Jr.'s 2003 invasion of Iraq built on fabricated WMD claims; to Obama’s 2011 NATO intervention in Libya that toppled Gaddafi under a “responsibility to protect” mandate, then abandoned the country to militia warlords and slave markets. Each chapter follows the same script: regime change, chaos, retreat, and the next generation of blowback.